Archive for September, 2014

醫學,本來就是一場革命

Posted in Statement on September 13, 2014 by loso

【聯署】中大醫學院學生就人大對香港政改決策一事聲明

【醫學發展 源於變革】

醫學,本來就是一場革命。

回首醫學的歷史,不難發現其發展都是由一個又一個的變革推動著。解剖屍體,曾經是多麼的大逆不道;器官移植,曾經是多麼的異想天開;微創手術,曾經是多麼不肖的旁門左道。這些醫學變革的先驅者,即使要遭受多少世人的懷疑、白眼與嘲笑,也無懼無俱,堅守信念,懷著寬宏的器量與遠大的目光,一直走來,走到今天。而今天,我們面對著一個更嚴峻的挑戰。

【政改陷阱 漠視民意 】

八月三十一 日,全國人民代表大會常務委員會(人大常委)就香港政改作出決定,全票通過對2016年立法會產生辦法不作修改,而2017年行政長官提名委員會之人數、構成和委員產生辦法,則按照2012年行政長官選舉委員會釐定。維持四大界別的小圈子提委會以及規定特首候選人必須得到過半數的提委支持,方能參選特首選舉,候選人數目限為兩至三名。

這個決定無疑正如坊間所言:連落三閘 - 提委會組成不變,出閘門檻提高,候選人數目限制。完全無視大專學界早前投票結果:逾一萬五千名同學支持公民提名,及提名委員會由一人一票而票值均等的選舉產生。亦忽視六二二全民投票的聲音:逾七十萬市民支持含有公民提名元素的普選方案。

【寧缺勿濫 堅持原則】

這個決議比以往幾屆特首選舉的提名程序更為倒退。過去的提名門檻只是八分之一選委,對候選人人數亦無任何規定。再者,這個決議亦是完全扼殺平等政治權利之體現,是默許不民主的提名委員會操控誰人可以成為特首候選人,此舉是嚴重限制不同政見人士參選特首的機會。

我們拒絕「袋住先」,亦絕不會滿足於可以「一人一票選特首」的糖衣,因為我們確信這是毒藥,因為我們深明儘管他日我們能手握一票選特首,但在這不公義的提名程序下,這一票,是絕對無法體現我們的真正選擇。

對此,我們深感失望及憤怒。

【社會病危 刻不容緩】

我們明白,參與學運從來都要付出代價。我們更明暸,醫學生,參與學運所需付出的代價或許更大,為補償缺席課堂而溫習所花費的時間更多,但對社會及同儕所帶來的影響將會深遠。

我們一直認為,醫護人員的專業知識及對病人的愛心,從來並不只限應用於醫院內,更可走出「白色巨塔」,將專業知識及對病人的愛心,轉化成改變社會的力量,及對社會每個獨立個體的關懷。因為我們確信:醫學,就是以人為本,由人出發,是一個對人關懷的學科和專業。所謂妙手仁心,就是「仁」的體現。這份「仁愛」不單只限於對病況的關注,更是對病人生活的關懷;不單只存在於我們工作的醫院裡,更可體現於我們生活的社會中。

【認清責任 坐言起行】

醫學生罷課,在很多人看來是不負責任的行為。我們可以預計最先被冠上的罪名是浪費社會資源,要知道解剖機會可一不可再,無言老師的獻身亦需受尊重;病房實習的安排不容更改,動輒缺席便是未盡對未來病人的責任。的確,我們未來執業之時,應抱著專業的知識及豐富的經驗,用雙手去實踐我們對病人的承諾,否則便是辜負了病人及社會對醫護人員的期許。

然而,罷課行動並非不負責任,而其背後願意為社會犧牲的精神更是值得欣賞及尊敬的。我們相信決定罷課的同學並沒有忘記身為醫學生的身份及責任,只是在這非常時期迫不得已的取捨,他們都願意身體力行去証明醫學生都是關心社會的一群,願望犧牲在課堂上學習的時間,在罷課後決心付額外的時間和努力,讓自己成為稱職醫護人員的一群。

同時,我們明白醫學生於社會中的獨特身份,亦理解醫學生因課程及專業的要求,在參與學運方面有所制肘;但其實除了罷課外,仍有其他方法去表達我們對社會的關注及支持。每天出門上課前,於胸前扣上黃絲帶,默默地為身邊同學打氣;響應簽名聯署或穿黑衣上課等運動,是對罷課同學無聲卻最有力的支持。這些都是不影響正常課堂,卻能引起關注的集體行動,繼而達至對中央政府表達訴求的效果。為爭取普選略盡綿力,甚至聲援參與罷課的同學,其實都很簡單。

【相信真理 捉緊命運】

我們相信,在大時代前,關注及了解,是回應的第一步。
我們一直相信,醫學生都有一顆渴望服侍人的心,有一份對人的純粹關懷。
我們都相信,這份價值,並非來自革命的熱情或衝動,並非只是一層美麗朦朧的輕霧。
你是否想過:在你的時代裏,在你的社會裏,你會抵抗些甚麼,堅持些甚麼?
就讓我們站起來,親手捉緊命運。

中大醫學生政改關注組
二零一四年九月十二日

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行義遵道 匡救香港

Posted in Statement on September 12, 2014 by loso

香港大學學生會罷課宣言:行義遵道 匡救香港
The Hong Kong University Students’ Union
Students’ Strike Declaration

8月31日,170名人大常委「充分考慮了香港社會的有關意見和建議」後,全票通過對2016年立法會產生辦法不作修改,而2017年行政長官提名委員會之人數、構成和委員產生辦法,則按照2012年行政長官選舉委員會釐定。候選人數目限為兩至三名,均須獲過半數提委支持。北京掌聲雷動一時,香港市民義憤填膺。人大連落三閘,戳破港人三十多年來「又傾又砌」,以期「民主回歸、爭取雙普選」的夢幻泡影。京官侈言「中央是香港最大的民主派」、「提名委員會是塊美玉,越看越可愛」等謬論,更是挑戰港人良知和道德底線。

去年底政改諮詢啟動,政府當時聲言「不設既定立場」,大專學界繼而舉辦公投,逾一萬五千名同學支持公民提名,及提名委員會由一人一票而票值均等的選舉產生。同學們亦制訂學界方案,於各區擺放街站,以闡釋信念和堅持。事隔半年,國務院卻於六月初發表《一國兩制在香港特別行政區的實踐白皮書》,企圖二次制憲,結果激起港人反撲。逾七十萬市民參與民間公投、支持公民提名,要求立法會否決不符合國際標準的選舉方案。七一遊行中,五十一萬市民披風冒雨走上街頭,要求落實包含公民提名的真普選,無懼中共恫嚇,捍衛港人自主。連月來,政改諮詢漸漸褪去「有商有量」糖衣,暴露「我是你非」的本相。

港人爭取民主卅年,港大學生一直參與其中。1984年,學生會致函總理趙紫陽支持民主回歸,指出將來港府最高行政首長應由普選產生,獲趙氏答以「民主治港是理所當然的」。《基本法》草擬期間,港大同學亦擔任諮詢委員會學生代表。三十載彈指飛逝,當年學長如今已年過不惑,香港民主卻仍在十字路口徘徊,前途未卜。

七月二留守遮打道行動中,我們目睹同窗為我城未來甘願犯險,強權卻絲毫不為所動,甚至變本加厲打壓民主。當不義成為事實,反抗就是義務。我們將以罷課承接七二留守遮打道行動,掀開一連串不合作運動的帷幕。北京一錘定音,港府俯首領旨,蔑視港人聲音,企圖獨斷香港前程。有鑑及此,我們本赤子之心,以罷課行動引領大眾正視社會議題,只為堅持推動我城民主進程:

一・公民提名 寸步不讓

提委會按照選委會維持1200人,四大界別比例不變,無疑是舊酒新瓶,侮辱港人智慧。港人期盼的普選當包括平等之提名權、選舉權及被選舉權,絕非「讓一部分人先民主起來」、任由權貴把持香港前程。若然未來提名委員會構成一如既往,行政長官候選人經權貴篩選,再由一人一票「選出」,根本無助解決管治危機。公民提名確保平等選舉權及被選舉權,直接反映公民意志,消除政治特權階級,是達至真普選的出路。

二・促請立法會否決不符國際標準的普選方案

六二二民間公投中,近七十萬人要求立法會否決不符國際標準的普選方案。可是,無論是人大決定之草案文本,抑或全國人大常委會副秘書長李飛就草案的書面說明,均企圖淡化同樣重要的被選舉權和平等的提名權,隻字不提2017年後特首選舉方式可再修改。所謂「袋住先」,實質是「袋一世」!方案一旦獲得通過成普選定案,將適用於2017年以後的行政長官及立法會選舉,不義政制豈非千秋萬世,無了期延續?

三・2016年起立法會全面直選

立法會本是代議士濟弱扶傾,彰顯公義之地。無奈功能組別及分組點票制度,令建制陣營把持議會,屢次為政權保駕護航,形成少數推翻多數的畸態,近年更多次否決捍衛新聞自由等為保護香港核心價值的議案。同時,部分已在港式微的界別如漁農界等仍於議會佔有為數不少的議席,足見功能界別劃分頗為過時。政制改革不僅限於行政長官選舉方法,立法會產生方法亦深深影響我城命運。港人爭取落實雙普選逾卅年,功能組別必須廢除,全面直選刻不容緩。

我等學子本抱着簡單的願景,冀望在安定生活中求知修業;我們享受在舍堂競技體育、談文論藝,期盼透過上莊等途徑服務同學、一展抱負。然而,我城赤霧氳氤風雨飄搖,黑白是非真偽顛倒,一直恪信的價值觀日益動搖。港大校訓既為眀徳格物,時值香港命運轉捩點,我們豈能自樂於校園一隅,袖手旁觀?當公義慘被踐踏、自由痛遭剝削,我們決心以罷課明志。

普選細則現已被人大篤定,我等冀以罷課凝聚學生力量、喚醒社會各界奮起反抗。我們呼籲全港大專院校學生走上街頭,反抗腐敗政權,並懇請各院校教授、講師予以學生實際支持,例如不因罷課處分學生、參與公民講課、義務為學生補習,甚至投入罷教聲援。同時,我們亦籲請市民大眾出席集會聲援、店鋪掛起標語支持及以各種可行方式響應,並準備抗爭。罷課是我們對政權的最後警告,若當權者仍然一意孤行,下一步就是接踵而來的抗命行動。身負時代使命,我們別無他選,亦無法退讓。

香港大學學生會
二零一四年九月三日

Photo Credit: November-13 @ Flickr

On 31 August, 170 members of NPCSC passed a resolution and ruled out any further amendments to the electoral method of Legislative Council in 2016 and a strict compliance of the composition, and selection method of 2017 Nominating Committee with those of 2012 Election Committee for Chief Executive Election. The number of Chief Executive candidate is restricted to two or three, each of whom is required to gain majority support from the Nomination Committee. The decision was welcomed in Beijing in a big round of applause, yet stirred up anger among Hong Kong citizens. As NPCSC imposes these three barricades, Hong Kong’s dream for genuine democracy and the realization of Universal Suffrage simply diminish into a fantasy.

At the beginning of public consultation on political reform last year, the officials claimed that there would be no presumed “position”. Local tertiary institutions thus initiated a student referendum, in which over 15,000 students voted in support of “civil nomination”, a Nominating Committee to be elected based upon “one person one vote”, and “equality in vote worth”. As such, the Students’ Proposal was premised on these principles. For half a year, we keep promoting our belief and the rationales behind the proposal to the general public. Despite of this, the State Council issued the “White Paper on the Practice of ‘One Country, Two Systems’ Policy in Hong Kong”, with an intention to repudiate understanding of Basic Law. What followed were the 22 June Civil Referendum with approximately 700,000 votes endorsing civil nomination and 1 July Protest with 510,000 marching on the street amid heavy rainstorms.

Over the past three decades, HKU students have always been playing an active role in the democratic development of Hong Kong. In 1984, our predecessors wrote to Zhao Ziyang, the late Premier of the PRC at the time, to reaffirm the importance of “people ruling Hong Kong by democratic means” and to propose a universal suffrage to elect the government and its Chief; Zhao gave a positive response to these appeals. During the drafting of the Basic Law, HKU students were appointed as student representatives in the Consultative Committee. Thirty years elapsed, the once young activists are already in their middle age; sadly, the democratic development in Hong Kong remained stagnated.

Our students risked their future in the July 2 protest, whereas the government simply turned a blind eye to and even suppressed the call for democracy. “When injustice becomes law, resistance becomes duty”. The student strike will lift the curtain on the upcoming disobedience activities. As the Hong Kong government surrenders and kowtows to Beijing, ignoring the voice of local voice, we students pledge to arouse public awareness on the democratic development of Hong Kong by means of strike:

1. We insist on Civil Nomination

The composition of Nominating Committee, consisting of 1200 people from the four sectors, resembles that of the Election Committee. This practice is no less than putting old wine in new bottle, an insult to every local citizen. The universal suffrage that we demand must affirms equality of right to be nominated, to be elected and that to elect. We have zero tolerance to the idea of “partial democracy enjoyed only by some people”, nor that only the rich and powerful could dictate Hong Kong’s future. Shall the composition of the Nominating Committee remain the same as that of the Election Committee for Chief Executive in 2012, where the privileged ones will always screen the candidates before the general public could vote, there will never be fundamental changes to remedy the current governance crisis. Civil nomination ensures public will and support, while preventing the emergence of political privileged class. This marks a step towards achieving genuine universal suffrage.

2. We urge the Legislative Council to veto over a proposal that does not comply with the International Standard

In 6.22 Referendum, about 700 thousand people demanded veto over an universal suffrage proposal that fails to fulfil the International Standard. However from the draft resolution of Standing Committee of National People’s Congress or the written explanation by Vice Chairman of the Commission of Legislative Affairs of the NPCSC, Li Fei, it is evident that the importance of the right to be elected and elect has been downplayed. Not even a word in the proposal mentioned that the election method can be amended after 2017. Clearly, short-term and superficial interests should not outweigh our strong demand for true democracy.

3. We demand a directly elected on all seats of Legislative Council by 2016

The purpose of the Legislative Council is where councillors represents the unheard, serve the needy, and practice justice. It is ironic that Functional Constituency and the existing voting mechanism allows the pro-establishment camp to manipulate the Council and protect the authorities. It leads to a ridiculous situation where the minority overriding majority opinion. In recent years, motions to protect core values like press freedom were vetoed by pro-establishment power. Many diminishing industries such as Agriculture and Fisheries Constituency also count a lot of seats in the Council, manifesting the obsoleteness in Functional Constituency. Political Reform shall not be limited to only Chief Executive election, but also the method selecting Legislative Councillors that have great influence on Hong Kong’s destiny. The pursuit for true democracy practising in universal suffrage has started thirty years ago, and we believe Functional Constituency shall be eliminated and all Legislators be directly elected.

We students all share a simple dream: to pursue knowledge in stability. We certainly enjoy various hall and society activities; we are as well, concerned about the very place that we are living in. In times of crisis when truth is distorted, our school motto “Sapience and Virtue” reminds us to cling onto justice, stand up for virtues we truly treasure. When justice and freedom are being flagrantly abused, we strive to put on students strike to show our determination.

Despite that Standing Committee of National People’s Congress set the definitive tone for universal suffrage, we now wish to unite all students and voice out for our fellows. We encourage every member from local universities to raise against our corrupted government. We urge all teachers, professors and tutors to support the students by not penalizing them for their absence, but arrange make-up tutorials sessions for them and even join the the strike to amplify the voice. We call for the participation from each and every citizen to join our assemblies, all shops to put on banners, posters or any means which shows the support to student strike. Student Strike is our last warning to the regime. If they continue to act against public’s will, we will step up to a stronger disobedient action. We are determined to stand firm and hold on to our belief, for we it is not just for our time, but the many generations to come.

The Hong Kong University Students’ Union
3 September 2014

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